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- The goals we have set are not realizable next month, or even next election
-- but that fact justifies neither giving up altogether nor a determination
to work only on immediate, direct, tangible problems. Both responses are a
sign of helplessness, fearfulness of visions, refusal to hope, and tend to
bring on the very conditions to be avoided. Fearing vision, we justify rhetoric
or myopia. Fearing hope, we reinforce despair.
- The first effort, then, should be to state a vision: what is the perimeter
of human possibility in this epoch? This we have tried to do. The second effort,
if we are to be politically responsible, is to evaluate the prospects for
obtaining at least a substantial part of that vision in our epoch: what are
the social forces that exist, or that must exist, if we are to be at all successful?
And what role have we ourselves to play as a social force?
- In exploring the existing social forces, note must be taken of the Southern
civil rights movement as the most heartening because of the justice it insists
upon, exemplary because it indicates that there can be a passage out of apathy.
- This movement, pushed into a brilliant new phase by the Montgomery bus
boycott and the subsequent nonviolent action of the sit-ins and Freedom Rides
has had three major results: first, a sense of self-determination has been
instilled in millions of oppressed Negroes; second, the movement has challenged
a few thousand liberals to new social idealism; third, a series of important
concessions have been obtained, such as token school desegregation, increased
Administration help, new laws, desegregation of some public facilities.
- But fundamental social change -- that would break the props from under
Jim Crown -- has not come. Negro employment opportunity, wage levels, housing
conditions, educational privileges -- these remain deplorable and relatively
constant, each deprivation reinforcing the impact of the others. The Southern
states, in the meantime, are strengthening the fortresses of the status quo,
and are beginning to camouflage the fortresses by guile where open bigotry
announced its defiance before. The white-controlled one-party system remains
intact; and even where the Republicans are beginning under the pressures of
industrialization in the towns and suburbs, to show initiative in fostering
a two-party system, all Southern state Republican Committees (save Georgia)
have adopted militant segregationist platforms to attract Dixiecrats.
- Rural dominance remains a fact in nearly all the Southern states, although
the reapportionment decision of the Supreme Court portends future power shifts
to the cities. Southern politicians maintain a continuing aversion to the
welfare legislation that would aid their people. The reins of the Southern
economy are held by conservative businessmen who view human rights as secondary
to property rights. A violent anti-communism is rooting itself in the South,
and threatening even moderate voices. Add the militaristic tradition of the
South, and its irrational regional mystique and one must conclude that authoritarian
and reactionary tendencies are a rising obstacle to the small, voiceless,
poor, and isolated democratic movements.
- The civil rights struggle thus has come to an impasse. To this impasse,
the movement responded this year by entering the sphere of politics, insisting
on citizenship rights, specifically the right to vote. The new voter registration
stage of protest represents perhaps the first major attempt to exercise the
conventional instruments of political democracy in the struggle for racial
justice. The vote, if used strategically by the great mass of now-unregistered
Negroes theoretically eligible to vote, will be decisive factor in changing
the quality of Southern leadership from low demagoguery to decent statesmanship.
- More important, the new emphasis on the vote heralds the use of political
means to solve the problems of equality in America, and it signals the decline
of the short-sighted view that "discrimination" can be isolated from related
social problems. Since the moral clarity of the civil rights movement has
not always been accompanied by precise political vision, and sometimes not
every by a real political consciousness, the new phase is revolutionary in
its implication. The intermediate goal of the program is to secure and insure
a healthy respect and realization of Constitutional liberties. This is important
not only to terminate the civil and private abuses which currently characterize
the region, but also to prevent the pendulum of oppression from simply swinging
to an alternate extreme with a new unsophisticated electorate, after the unhappy
example of the last Reconstruction. It is the ultimate objectives of the strategy
which promise profound change in the politics of the nation. An increased
Negro voting race in and of itself is not going to dislodge racist controls
of the Southern power structure; but an accelerating movement through the
courts, the ballot boxes, and especially the jails is the most likely means
of shattering the crust of political intransigency and creating a semblence
of democratic order, on local and state levels.
- Linked with pressure from Northern liberals to expunge the Dixiecrats from
the ranks of the Democratic Party, massive Negro voting in the South could
destroy the vice-like grip reactionary Southerners have on the Congressional
- 2. The broadest movement for peace in several years emerged in 1961-62.
In its political orientation and goals it is much less identifiable than the
movement for civil rights: it includes socialists, pacifists, liberals, scholars,
militant activists, middle-class women, some professionals, many students,
a few unionists. Some have been emotionally single-issue: Ban the Bomb. Some
have been academically obscurantist. Some have rejected the System (sometimes
both systems). Some have attempted, too, to "work within" the System. Amidst
these conflicting streams of emphasis, however, certain basic qualities appear.
The most important is that the "peace movement" has operated almost exclusively
through peripheral institutions -- almost never through mainstream institutions.
Similarly, individuals interested in peace have nonpolitical social roles
that cannot be turned to the support of peace activity. Concretely, liberal
religious societies, anti-war groups, voluntary associations, ad hoc committees
have been the political unit of the peace movement, and its human movers have
been students, teacher, housewives, secretaries, lawyers, doctors, clergy.
The units have not been located in spots of major social influence, the people
have not been able to turn their resources fully to the issues that concern
them. The results are political ineffectiveness and personal alienation.
- The organizing ability of the peace movement thus is limited to the ability
to state and polarize issues. It does not have an institution or the forum
in which the conflicting interests can be debated. The debate goes on in corners;
it has little connection with the continuing process of determining allocations
of resources. This process is not necessarily centralized, however much the
peace movement is estranged from it. National policy, though dominated to
a large degree by the "power elites" of the corporations and military, is
still partially founded in consensus. It can be altered when there actually
begins a shift in the allocation of resources and the listing of priorities
by the people in the institutions which have social influence, e.g., the labor
unions and the schools. As long as the debates of the peace movement form
only a protest, rather than an opposition viewpoint within the centers of
serious decision- making, then it is neither a movement of democratic relevance,
nor is it likely to have any effectiveness except in educating more outsiders
to the issue. It is vital, to be sure, that this educating go on (a heartening
sign is the recent proliferation of books and journals dealing with peace
and war from newly-developing countries); the possibilities for making politicians
responsible to "peace constituencies" becomes greater.
- But in the long interim before the national political climate is more open
to deliberate, goal-directed debate about peace issues, the dedicated peace
"movement" might well prepare a local base, especially by establishing civic
committees on the techniques of converting from military to peacetime production.
To make war and peace relevant to the problems of everyday life, by relating
it to the backyard (shelters), the baby (fall-out), the job (military contracts)
-- and making a turn toward peace seem desirable on these same terms -- is
a task the peace movement is just beginning, and can profitably continue.
- 3. Central to any analysis of the potential for change must be an appraisal
of organized labor. It would be a-historical to disregard the immense influence
of labor in making modern America a decent place in which to live. It would
be confused to fail to note labor's presence today as the most liberal of
mainstream institutions. But it would be irresponsible not to criticize labor
for losing much of the idealism that once made it a driving movement. Those
who expected a labor upsurge after the 1955 AFL-CIO merger can only be dismayed
that one year later, in the Stevenson-Eisenhower campaign, the AFL-CIO Committee
on Political Education was able to obtain solicited $1.00 contributions from
only one of every 24 unionists, and prompt only 40% of the rankand -file to
- As a political force, labor generally has been unsuccessful in the postwar
period of prosperity. It has seen the passage of the Taft-Hartley and Landrum-Griffin
laws, and while beginning to receiving slightly favorable National Labor Relations
Board rulings, it has made little progress against right-to-work laws. Furthermore,
it has seen less than adequate action on domestic problems, especially unemployment.
- This labor "recession" has been only partly due to anti-labor politicians
and corporations. Blame should be laid, too, to labor itself for not mounting
an adequate movement. Labor has too often seen itself as elitist, rather than
mass-oriented, and as a pressure group rather than as an 18-million member
body making political demands for all America. In the first instance, the
labor bureaucracy tends to be cynical toward, or afraid of, rank-and-file
involvement in the work of the Union. Resolutions passed at conventions are
implemented only by high-level machinations, not by mass mobilization of the
unionists. Without a significant base, labor's pressure function is materially
reduced since it becomes difficult to hold political figures accountable to
a movement that cannot muster a vote from a majority of its members.
- There are some indications, however, that labor might regain its missing
idealism. First, there are signs within the movement: of worker discontent
with the economic progress, of collective bargaining, of occasional splits
among union leaders on questions such as nuclear testing or other Cold War
issues. Second, and more important, are the social forces which prompt these
feelings of unrest. Foremost is the permanence of unemployment, and the threat
of automation, but important, too, is the growth of unorganized ranks in white-collar
fields with steady depletion in the already-organized fields. Third, there
is the tremendous challenge of the Negro movement for support from organized
labor: the alienation from and disgust with labor hypocrisy among Negroes
ranging from the NAACP to the Black Muslims (crystallized in the formation
of the Negro American Labor Council) indicates that labor must move more seriously
in its attempts to organize on an interracial basis in the South and in large
urban centers. When this task was broached several years ago, "jurisdictional"
disputes prevented action. Today, many of these disputes have been settled
-- and the question of a massive organizing campaign is on the labor agenda
- These threats and opportunities point to a profound crisis: either labor
continues to decline as a social force, or it must constitute itself as a
mass political force demanding not only that society recognize its rights
to organize but also a program going beyond desired labor legislation and
welfare improvements. Necessarily this latter role will require rank-and-file
involvement. It might include greater autonomy and power for political coalitions
of the various trade unions in local areas, rather than the more stultifying
dominance of the international unions now. It might include reductions in
leaders' salaries, or rotation from executive office to shop obligations,
as a means of breaking down the hierarchical tendencies which have detached
elite from base and made the highest echelons of labor more like businessmen
than workers. It would certainly mean an announced independence of the center
and Dixiecrat wings of the Democratic Party, and a massive organizing drive,
especially in the South to complement the growing Negro political drive there.
- A new politics must include a revitalized labor movement; a movement which
sees itself, and is regarded by others, as a major leader of the breakthrough
to a politics of hope and vision. Labor's role is no less unique or important
in the needs of the future than it was in the past, its numbers and potential
political strength, its natural interest in the abolition of exploitation,
its reach to the grass roots of American society, combine to make it the best
candidate for the synthesis of the civil rights, peace, and economic reform
- The creation of bridges is made more difficult by the problems left over
from the generation of "silence". Middle class students, still the main actors
in the embryonic upsurge, have yet to overcome their ignorance, and even vague
hostility, for what they see as "middle class labor" bureaucrats. Students
must open the campus to labor through publications, action programs, curricula,
while labor opens its house to students through internships, requests for
aid (on the picket-line, with handbills, in the public dialogue), and politics.
And the organization of the campus can be a beginning -- teachers' unions
can be argued as both socially progressive, and educationally beneficial university
employees can be organized -- and thereby an important element in the education
of the student radical.
- But the new politics is still contained; it struggles below the surface
of apathy, awaiting liberation. Few anticipate the breakthrough and fewer
still exhort labor to begin. Labor continues to be the most liberal -- and
most frustrated -- institution in mainstream America.
- 4. Since the Democratic Party sweep in 1958, there have been exaggerated
but real efforts to establish a liberal force in Congress, not to balance
but to at least voice criticism of the conservative mood. The most notable
of these efforts was the Liberal Project begun early in 1959 by Representative
Kastenmeier of Wisconsin. The Project was neither disciplined nor very influential
but it was concerned at least with confronting basic domestic and foreign
problems, in concert with sever liberal intellectuals.
- In 1960 five members of the Project were defeated at the polls (for reasons
other than their membership in the Project). Then followed a "post mortem"
publication of the Liberal Papers, materials discussed by the Project when
it was in existence. Republican leaders called the book "further our than
Communism". The New Frontier Administration repudiated any connection with
the statements. Some former members of the Project even disclaimed their past
- A hopeful beginning came to a shameful end. But during the demise of the
Project, a new spirit of Democratic Party reform was occurring: in New York
City, Ithaca, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Texas, California, and even in Mississippi
and Alabama where Negro candidates for Congress challenged racist political
power. Some were for peace, some for the liberal side of the New Frontier,
some for realignment of the parties -- and in most cases they were supported
- Here and there were stirrings of organized discontent with the political
stalemate. Americans for Democratic Action and the New Republic, pillars of
the liberal community, took stands against the President on nuclear testing.
A split, extremely slight thus far, developed in organized labor on the same
issue. The Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. preached against the Dixiecrat-Republican
coalition across the nation.
- 5. From 1960 to 1962, the campuses experienced a revival of idealism among
an active few. Triggered by the impact of the sit-ins, students began to struggle
for integration, civil liberties, student rights, peace, and against the fast-rising
right wing "revolt" as well. The liberal students, too, have felt their urgency
thwarted by conventional channels: from student governments to Congressional
committees. Out of this alienation from existing channels has come the creation
of new ones; the most characteristic forms of liberal-radical student organizations
are the dozens of campus political parties, political journals, and peace
marches and demonstrations. In only a few cases have students built bridges
to power: an occasional election campaign, the sit-ins, Freedom Rides, and
voter registration activities; in some relatively large Northern demonstrations
for peace and civil rights, and infrequently, through the United States National
Student Association whose notable work has not been focused on political change.
- These contemporary social movements -- for peace, civil rights, civil liberties
labor -- have in common certain values and goals. The fight for peace is one
for a stable and racially integrated world; for an end to the inherently volatile
exploitation of most of mankind by irresponsible elites; and for freedom of
economic, political and cultural organization. The fight for civil rights
is also one for social welfare for all Americans; for free speech and the
right to protest; for the shield of economic independence and bargaining power;
for a reduction of the arms race which takes national attention and resources
away from the problems of domestic injustice. Labor's fight for jobs and wages
is also one labor; for the right to petition and strike; for world industrialization;
for the stability of a peacetime economy instead of the insecurity of the
war economy; for expansion of the Welfare State. The fight for a liberal Congress
is a fight for a platform from which these concerns can issue. And the fight
for students, for internal democracy in the university, is a fight to gain
a forum for the issues.
- But these scattered movements have more in common: a need for their concerns
to be expressed by a political party responsible to their interests. That
they have no political expression, no political channels, can be traced in
large measure to the existence of a Democratic Party which tolerates the perverse
unity of liberalism and racism, prevents the social change wanted by Negroes,
peace protesters, labor unions, students, reform Democrats, and other liberals.
Worse, the party stalemate prevents even the raising of controversy -- a full
Congressional assault on racial discrimination, disengagement in Central Europe,
sweeping urban reform, disarmament and inspection, public regulation of major
industries; these and other issues are never heard in the body that is supposed
to represent the best thoughts and interests of all Americans.
- An imperative task for these publicly disinherited groups, then, is to
demand a Democratic Party responsible to their interests. They must support
Southern voter registration and Negro political candidates and demand that
Democratic Party liberals do the same (in the last Congress, Dixiecrats split
with Northern Democrats on 119 of 300 roll-calls, mostly on civil rights,
area redevelopment and foreign aid bills; and breach was much larger than
in the previous several sessions). Labor should begin a major drive in the
South. In the North, reform clubs (either independent or Democratic) should
be formed to run against big city regimes on such issues as peace, civil rights,
and urban needs. Demonstrations should be held at every Congressional or convention
seating of Dixiecrats. A massive research and publicity campaign should be
initiated, showing to every housewife, doctor, professor, and worker the damage
done to their interests every day a racist occupies a place in the Democratic
Party. Where possible, the peace movement should challenge the "peace credentials"
of the otherwise-liberals by threatening or actually running candidates against
- The University and Social Change. There is perhaps little reason to be
optimistic about the above analysis. True, the Dixiecrat-GOP coalition is
the weakest point in the dominating complex of corporate, military and political
power. But the civil rights and peace and student movements are too poor and
socially slighted, and the labor movement too quiescent, to be counted with
enthusiasm. From where else can power and vision be summoned? We believe that
the universities are an overlooked seat of influence.
- First, the university is located in a permanent position of social influence.
Its educational function makes it indispensable and automatically makes it
a crucial institution in the formation of social attitudes. Second, in an
unbelievably complicated world, it is the central institution for organizing,
evaluating, and transmitting knowledge. Third, the extent to which academic
resources presently is used to buttress immoral social practice is revealed
first, by the extent to which defense contracts make the universities engineers
of the arms race. Too, the use of modern social science as a manipulative
tool reveals itself in the "human relations" consultants to the modern corporation,
who introduce trivial sops to give laborers feelings of "participation" or
"belonging", while actually deluding them in order to further exploit their
labor. And, of course, the use of motivational research is already infamous
as a manipulative aspect of American politics. But these social uses of the
universities' resources also demonstrate the unchangeable reliance by men
of power on the men and storehouses of knowledge: this makes the university
functionally tied to society in new ways, revealing new potentialities, new
levers for change. Fourth, the university is the only mainstream institution
that is open to participation by individuals of nearly any viewpoint.
- These, at least, are facts, no matter how dull the teaching, how paternalistic
the rules, how irrelevant the research that goes on. Social relevance, the
accessibility to knowledge, and internal openness
- these together make the university a potential base and agency in a movement
of social change.
- 1. Any new left in America must be, in large measure, a left with real
intellectual skills, committed to deliberativeness, honesty, reflection as
working tools. The university permits the political life to be an adjunct
to the academic one, and action to be informed by reason.
- 2. A new left must be distributed in significant social roles throughout
the country. The universities are distributed in such a manner.
- 3. A new left must consist of younger people who matured in the postwar
world, and partially be directed to the recruitment of younger people. The
university is an obvious beginning point.
- 4. A new left must include liberals and socialists, the former for their
relevance, the latter for their sense of thoroughgoing reforms in the system.
The university is a more sensible place than a political party for these two
traditions to begin to discuss their differences and look for political synthesis.
- 5. A new left must start controversy across the land, if national policies
and national apathy are to be reversed. The ideal university is a community
of controversy, within itself and in its effects on communities beyond.
- 6. A new left must transform modern complexity into issues that can be
understood and felt close-up by every human being. It must give form to the
feelings of helplessness and indifference, so that people may see the political,
social and economic sources of their private troubles and organize to change
society. In a time of supposed prosperity, moral complacency and political
manipulation, a new left cannot rely on only aching stomachs to be the engine
force of social reform. The case for change, for alternatives that will involve
uncomfortable personal efforts, must be argued as never before. The university
is a relevant place for all of these activities.
- But we need not indulge in allusions: the university system cannot complete
a movement of ordinary people making demands for a better life. From its schools
and colleges across the nation, a militant left might awaken its allies, and
by beginning the process towards peace, civil rights, and labor struggles,
reinsert theory and idealism where too often reign confusion and political
barter. The power of students and faculty united is not only potential; it
has shown its actuality in the South, and in the reform movements of the North.
- The bridge to political power, though, will be built through genuine cooperation,
locally, nationally, and internationally, between a new left of young people,
and an awakening community of allies. In each community we must look within
the university and act with confidence that we can be powerful, but we must
look outwards to the less exotic but more lasting struggles for justice.
- To turn these possibilities into realities will involve national efforts
at university reform by an alliance of students and faculty. They must wrest
control of the educational process from the administrative bureaucracy. They
must make fraternal and functional contact with allies in labor, civil rights,
and other liberal forces outside the campus. They must import major public
issues into the curriculum -- research and teaching on problems of war and
peace is an outstanding example. They must make debate and controversy, not
dull pedantic cant, the common style for educational life. They must consciously
build a base for their assault upon the loci of power.
- As students, for a democratic society, we are committed to stimulating
this kind of social movement, this kind of vision and program is campus and
community across the country. If we appear to seek the unattainable, it has
been said, then let it be known that we do so to avoid the unimaginable.